On a late‑September morning in 2025, Kolkata woke to a city under water. Torrential rain, more than 251 mm in 24 hours, made it the third‑wettest September day since 1978. Streets turned into rivers; homes, markets and railway lines were submerged. Amid the chaos came news that at least 9 people in Kolkata had died from electrocution.

West Bengal’s chief minister, Mamata Banerjee, had an immediate culprit where she blamed the private power utility Calcutta Electric Supply Corporation (CESC). She lambasted the company for “doing business but not modernising” its network and demanded compensation for the victims. “Life has no substitute,” she said in a televised address. The tragedy was headline‑worthy, but for many in West Bengal it felt like deja‑vu. When heavy rains come to Kolkata, live wires and outdated infrastructure become lethal weapons, and the blame game between government agencies and private utilities resurfaces.

While CM’s criticism of CESC had merit, it also exposed uncomfortable paradoxes within her own Trinamool Congress (TMC). The same administration that touts a record number of women legislators presides over India’s highest rate of child marriages, where 6.3 % of girls are married before they reach 18.

The state invests billions in social welfare schemes like Lakshmir Bhandar, yet decades‑old drainage and electric systems continue to kill residents during floods. By exploring the data behind these issues, we write how West Bengal’s governance often works at cross‑purposes, where on one hand, they champion modernity on paper while leave many citizens, especially women and the poor, vulnerable in practice.

The Flood and Electrocution Tragedy- The Tale of Record Rainfall and a City Submerged

Kolkata’s 2025 deluge wasn’t just another rainy day. The city and its suburbs recorded 251.4 mm of rainfall in 24 hours, the third‑highest single‑day total in September since 1978. At the peak between 2:30 a.m. and 5:00 a.m., rainfall reached nearly 185 mm, narrowly missing the 100 mm/hour “cloudburst” threshold. Meteorologists blamed a low‑pressure area over the Bay of Bengal and noted that high tides prevented proper drainage of canals. The Indian Express called it the sixth‑highest single‑day rainfall ever recorded in Kolkata. Authorities predicted more storms in the coming days and opened school buildings as shelters.

Flood‑induced chaos reverberated through the city. Railway lines shut down, roads disappeared under waist‑deep water and about 50–60 % of the CESC power network was shut off as a precaution. In the southern suburb of Garia rainfall measured 332 mm, while north Kolkata recorded 195 mm, showing how localized cloudbursts can overwhelm drainage systems. Meanwhile, the Adiganga canal overflowed, flooding neighborhoods normally considered high ground. Residents, caught unprepared, were left navigating swirling water and debris in the dark.

News channels soon broke the most disturbing story as 9 people were electrocuted in Kolkata and its outskirts. According to accounts compiled by local media, victims ranged from a security guard and fruit vendor to people inside their homes. Many deaths occurred when victims touched submerged lampposts, traffic signals or live wires. Chief Minister Banerjee accused CESC of negligence and asked, “They will do business here, but won’t modernise here?”. She announced that the government would provide a job to a family member of each deceased and insisted that CESC pay compensation.

CESC’s response added nuance. The company investigated 8 of the deaths and concluded that 5 were due to faulty internal wiring in homes or a factory and that three occurred in the street. 2 of those street deaths involved contact with municipal street‑light poles and one happened at a traffic signal kiosk, structures not owned or maintained by CESC.

The utility stressed that street lights and traffic signals are maintained by the civic body and state government. It said it had cut power to several flooded areas “proactively” to protect public safety and would only restore electricity once water receded. The company’s statement illustrates a critical problem of divided responsibility. Multiple agencies own different parts of the electric infrastructure, making accountability murky when something goes wrong.

The electrocution deaths highlight deeper issues within Kolkata’s electric network. CESC is a private company that has served Kolkata and parts of Howrah since the late 19th century. It owns the generation and distribution of power within the city; outside Kolkata the state‑run West Bengal State Electricity Distribution Company Limited (WBSEDCL) is responsible. Internal wiring inside homes is typically the owner’s responsibility, while street lights and traffic signals fall under the Kolkata Municipal Corporation or state agencies. When wires snap or remain exposed in floodwaters, pinpointing blame becomes complex.

Kolkata’s network also combines underground and overhead lines. Many high‑voltage cables have been buried to avoid storm damage, but lower‑voltage distribution still depends on overhead lines strung through narrow lanes, some dating back decades. Illegal connections, colloquially called “hooking”, are common in low‑income neighbourhoods, exposing bare wires that can electrocute passers by. Officials occasionally blame these clandestine taps for accidents; for example, former Kolkata mayor Firhad Hakim once said that a youth’s death from electrocution was caused by “hooking and theft” of power lines. These hazards compound when heavy rain submerges the city.

The World Bank’s 2021 West Bengal Electricity Distribution Grid Modernization Project offers insight into what resilient infrastructure could look like. The report notes that hardening measures like aerial bunched cables (ABCs), underground cabling and smart grid technologies can reduce distribution losses and provide climate resilience benefits by withstanding cyclones and heavy rainfall. It argues that improving reliability in electricity supply empowers women and girls by freeing up time and enabling income generation.

Yet this project targets the state‑run WBSEDCL, not CESC. The private utility’s capital investments are less transparent to the public and may not prioritise climate adaptation at the same scale. Banerjee’s demand that CESC modernise is therefore about more than blame; it underscores a structural need for resilient, integrated power infrastructure across both public and private actors.

Kolkata’s catastrophic flooding cannot be explained solely by defective wires. Climate change is increasing the frequency and intensity of extreme rainfall across India. The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) has shown that warming oceans and shifting monsoon patterns are producing heavier downpours. In 2025, India experienced monsoon rains 30 % higher than usual.

Madras Courier reports that cities like Mumbai and Kolkata suffered floods because natural flood buffers, rivers, lakes and wetlands, have been encroached upon, while drainage systems built for smaller cities were overwhelmed. In Kolkata, the combination of relentless rain and high tides hindered drainage, causing water to back up into homes and streets. Experts say that outdated grey infrastructure, poor urban planning and unchecked construction on low‑lying land have intensified the crisis.

Flooding thus emerges from a perfect storm of climate change and governance failure. West Bengal sits on the Gangetic delta, making it vulnerable to cyclones and storm surges. Yet drainage and electric networks have not been upgraded to match this risk. The Adiganga and other canals that once carried excess water have been narrowed by siltation and illegal construction. Without re‑engineering the drainage system and investing in resilient energy infrastructure, tragedies like the 2025 electrocution deaths are likely to recur.

TMC’s Record on Women’s Representation

Chief Minister Banerjee has long positioned herself as a champion of women. In 2019, her TMC allocated about 40 % of its Lok Sabha tickets to women. Nine of the party’s 22 MPs elected that year were women, making TMC one of India’s few parties to even approach gender parity in candidate selection. In the 2021 West Bengal assembly election, TMC fielded 48 women candidates, 16.7 % of its total and 33 of those women won.

By 2025 West Bengal had 44 women MLAs, representing about 15 % of the 294‑member assembly. In absolute numbers the state ranks second in India; only Uttar Pradesh has more women MLAs, albeit with a much larger assembly. Crucially, 38 of West Bengal’s women MLAs belong to TMC. For a state historically known for left‑wing politics, this shift underscores Banerjee’s success in elevating women within electoral politics.

Banerjee’s government has also introduced programs to empower women economically. Lakshmir Bhandar, launched in 2021, is a universal basic income scheme for women aged 25–60, providing ₹1,000 per month to general‑category women and ₹1,200 to women from Scheduled Caste/Tribe communities. By late 2024, the chief minister announced that over 2.2 crore (22 million) women were receiving benefits and promised to expand coverage to an additional 500,000 women.

The state has already disbursed ₹48,490 crore (≈US$6 billion) and plans to increase spending to ₹54,000 crore. Another flagship program, Kanyashree Prakalpa, offers annual scholarships to girls between 13 and 18 (K1), a one‑time grant at 18 (K2) and postgraduate scholarships (K3) to encourage girls to remain in school and delay marriage. By January 2025, Kanyashree had 34.99 lakh (3.499 million) unique beneficiaries, with applications exceeding 6.86 million and a 98 % approval rate. Districts with high program participation have seen child marriage rates decline by 12–18 %.

West Bengal: A Hotspot for Child Marriage

Despite these initiatives and the visible presence of women in politics, West Bengal remains an epicentre of child marriage. The Sample Registration System (SRS) 2023 shows that West Bengal has the highest proportion of females married before 18 in India, at 6.3 %. Rural girls are slightly better off than urban girls: 5.8 % of rural females marry before 18 compared to 7.6 % in urban areas. Nationally, the average is 1 %, so West Bengal’s rate is six times higher. Other states such as Jharkhand (4.6 %) and Chhattisgarh (4.3 %) also struggle, but none match Bengal’s rate.

Longer‑term survey data paint an even grimmer picture. The National Family Health Survey (NFHS‑5, 2019‑21) found that 42 % of West Bengal women aged 20–24 were married before 18, down only slightly from 54 % in 2005–06. The median age at marriage has increased only marginally from 17 to 18 years. Rural–urban disparities are stark: 48 % of rural women marry before 18, compared with 26 % of urban women. Districts like Murshidabad, Birbhum, Purba Bardhaman and Midnapore still have child‑marriage prevalence exceeding 50 %. A national UNFPA analysis notes that while India’s child marriage rate fell from 47.4 % in 2005–06 to 23.3 % in 2019–21, West Bengal, Bihar and Tripura still record more than 40 % of women married before 18.

Why Does Child Marriage Persist?

• Poverty and Economic Hardship: Families struggling to meet basic needs see marriage as a way to reduce household expenses or secure dowries. Girls from the poorest quintile are 2.6 times more likely to marry before 18 than those from the richest quintile. On average, girls from households lacking amenities like toilets and electricity have far higher odds of early marriage.
• Education Disparities: Education is a powerful protective factor. In West Bengal, only 4 % of highly educated girls marry before 18, while 58 % of girls with no education do so. When girls drop out of school due to poverty or cultural norms, they are often married off. The Kanyashree program tries to tackle this by providing scholarships, but the persistence of high dropout rates in some districts undermines progress.
• Cultural Norms and Patriarchy: Deep‑rooted cultural beliefs favour girls marrying early to protect their “honour” or to meet community expectations. Patriarchal norms emphasize a woman’s role as wife and mother, while economic dependency reduces her bargaining power.
• Legal Enforcement Gaps: India’s Prohibition of Child Marriage Act (2006) sets the minimum marriage age at 18 for women. However, enforcement is weak. Birth records and marriage registrations are sometimes absent, making it easy for families to misrepresent ages. Police and local officials may avoid intervention due to social pressure or corruption.
• Pandemic and Economic Shocks: During the COVID‑19 pandemic, economic hardship and school closures led to a rise in child marriages, reversing earlier progress. Local NGOs report an increase in adolescent marriages in West Bengal between 2020 and 2022, though comprehensive data are lacking.

The Kanyashree Prakalpa has been widely praised. A 2023 study notes that the scheme has reduced secondary school dropout rates in rural West Bengal from 3.3 % to 1.5 % and significantly increased enrolment in grades 10–12. Districts with high Kanyashree enrolment have seen child marriages decline by 12–18 %. Additionally, the program has promoted digital literacy and provided bank accounts for girls. However, the scheme’s one‑time grant of around ₹25,000 (≈US$300) at age 18 is often insufficient to deter marriage if a family faces acute poverty, and delays in disbursement can undermine its effectiveness.

Lakshmir Bhandar aims to provide a steady income flow to women. Surveys show that 85.6 % of women beneficiaries say the allowance made them feel more empowered and that 75.9 % spent it on family expenses. Yet the program’s success hinges on timely payments and inflation indexing; ₹1,000 per month may not significantly alter household decisions about education or marriage in communities facing high dowry costs. Without complementary investments in education and employment, cash transfers risk becoming symbolic rather than transformative.

Overall, TMC’s schemes have improved some indicators but have not yet dismantled the structural drivers of child marriage. When the state simultaneously boasts the highest number of women legislators and the highest rate of girl marriages, it suggests that political empowerment at the top has not yet translated into safety and autonomy for girls at the bottom.

Infrastructure and Public Safety: A Tale of Neglect

Kolkata’s frequent waterlogging is a result of both geography and neglect. The city sits on a flat floodplain, with an average elevation of only 6 meters above sea level. Canals like the Adiganga historically drained excess water into the Hooghly River. Over decades, however, these channels have been narrowed or filled in by construction. Stormwater drains are clogged with plastic waste and silt, and pumping stations often lack capacity.

The Madras Courier describes how encroachment on wetlands and lack of investment have left cities like Kolkata vulnerable; natural flood buffers that once absorbed rainwater are gone. Drainage systems designed for much smaller populations cannot handle current runoff volumes. During the September 2025 deluge, high tide on the Hooghly prevented water from draining, exacerbating flooding. Without robust stormwater management, heavy rain will continue to turn Kolkata’s streets into rivers.

Electricity Networks and Urban Safety

The fatal electrocutions also reveal systemic weaknesses in electric infrastructure:

• Fragmented Ownership: Private and public entities own different segments (CESC, WBSEDCL, Kolkata Municipal Corporation). Coordination is poor when emergencies arise, leading to delayed responses.
• Outdated Lines: Many low‑tension distribution lines are overhead and decades old. They cross congested alleys and hang low over flood‑prone areas. Underground cabling exists but is not universal. The World Bank notes that moving distribution lines underground reduces storm damage, yet CESC’s adoption remains partial.
• Illegal Connections: “Hooking” or illegal tapping of lines causes bare wires to dangle dangerously. Officials admit that electricity theft and poor maintenance increase the risk of accidents.
• Limited Emergency Response: CESC shut down power to waterlogged areas, but delays in identifying and isolating live wires can be fatal. Residents are often unaware of which poles or cables carry electricity, and signage is minimal.

Public safety demands a coordinated modernization strategy. This includes burying low‑tension lines, replacing old poles, enforcing building codes, preventing illegal tapping, and training local officials and citizens on electrical safety. It also requires clarifying responsibilities between CESC, municipal authorities and the state to ensure faster responses during floods.

Double Standards: Walk the Talk vs Keep Talking

The Hypocrisy of Selective Blame

Mamata Banerjee was not wrong to criticise CESC. Her question, “why businesses profit but do not modernise”, reflects a valid concern about corporate accountability. However, the chief minister’s rhetoric obscures the state’s own role in urban infrastructure. Street lights and traffic signals, where three of the electrocution deaths occurred, are maintained by the civic body and state government. The government also oversees drainage systems and approves construction in low‑lying areas. Blaming a private utility without addressing state negligence amounts to political deflection.

Banerjee’s government has also blocked proposed reforms in the power sector. When the central government introduced the Electricity (Amendment) Bill seeking to de‑license distribution and encourage competition, TMC opposed it, arguing it would hurt state revenue. This protection of the status quo preserves CESC’s monopoly in Kolkata, reducing incentives for innovation and investment. Demanding modernization while maintaining monopolistic structures is inherently contradictory.

Women Leaders, Girls’ Rights and Persistent Inequality

The TMC proudly points to its high number of women MLAs and the presence of a female chief minister. Yet the lived realities of girls across West Bengal remain bleak. Political representation is a necessary step towards gender equality, but it is not sufficient. Child marriage, domestic violence and gender‑based discrimination continue at alarming levels. The juxtaposition of women in assembly halls with girls married before adulthood is a stark example of what scholars call elite capture: empowerment for a select group that does not trickle down to the masses.

Critically, some TMC leaders have themselves been implicated in gendered violence. Over the past decade, West Bengal has seen high‑profile cases of sexual assault and political intimidation against women activists. Human rights groups accuse local party cadres of shielding perpetrators in exchange for votes. Such allegations undermine the party’s narrative of being a torchbearer for women’s rights. If political leaders truly believe that corporate entities must modernise for public safety, they must also ensure that cultural and institutional reforms protect women and girls from harm.

Welfare Schemes and Structural Reforms

Programs like Lakshmir Bhandar and Kanyashree are laudable, but they function largely as cash transfers or scholarships without addressing underlying power relations. Kanyashree has improved education and delayed some marriages, yet child marriage prevalence remains above 40 %. Lakshmir Bhandar offers modest monthly income, but cannot transform gender norms on its own. Without comprehensive education reforms, healthcare investment, legal enforcement of age‑of‑marriage laws and economic opportunities for women, these schemes risk being band‑aids on systemic wounds.

The SRS 2023 data indicate that West Bengal’s mean age at marriage for females is 21.3 years, the lowest among larger states, while states like Jammu & Kashmir report a mean age of 26.3 years. This age gap signals deeper structural issues that cash transfers cannot fix. To truly “modernise” social systems, the state must focus on quality schooling, safe transportation, job creation, awareness campaigns and community engagement to change norms. Public investment in rural schools and enforcement against child marriage need to match rhetorical commitments.

At the end: Beyond Blame Games

The 2025 Kolkata electrocution tragedy underscores a powerful truth: modernisation cannot be selective. Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee was justified in demanding that CESC invest in safer infrastructure; still, her own government oversees street lights, drainage, health and education systems that continue to fail residents. West Bengal’s 15 % women MLAs are a milestone, yet the state records India’s highest rate of child marriage, exposing a disconnect between representation and reality. Generous welfare programs provide temporary relief but cannot substitute for structural reforms.

As climate change intensifies extreme rainfall, Kolkata and other Indian cities must overhaul their infrastructure and social systems. Urban resilience is not only about building stronger cables and drains; it is about rethinking development so that the most vulnerable are protected. This requires honest introspection from leaders who champion progress on stage while failing to deliver it on the ground. In the end, “Walk the talk — unless it’s you, then just keep talking” serves as both a sarcastic jab and a call to action. West Bengal’s future depends on transforming speeches into policies and policies into realities that save lives and empower its citizens.